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The merger between regular opposition and nationalists worried the government and the Federal Security Service (FSB) considered it a potentially "revolutionary situation", says Beletsky.The events of 2014 in Ukraine caught the ultranationalist groups in Russia by surprise.On one hand, the Kremlin was employing strong nationalist rhetoric claiming Crimea was "rightfully" Russian and that ethnic Russians living in Ukraine had to be protected; on the other, fellow Ukrainian far-right groups were supporting the Maidan and opposing the annexation."In 2014, the Kremlin demanded full loyalty from all Russian nationalists," says Shekhovtsov.In the years that followed, the ESM was pushed out of the organising committee of the march for being too pro-Kremlin and two other groups took the lead: the Movement Against Illegal Immigration (DPNI) and the Slavic Union (SS). He became an opportunist and has ended up in jail," says Andrei Savelev, founder and leader of the "Great Russia" nationalist movement, who was elected to the Duma in 2003.
For four to five years, the justice system did not touch him," says Savelev."They thought that if they supported those ultranationalist movements, they would decrease the opportunity of nationalists becoming a force that would destabilise the regime," he explains.In early 2005, in response to the colour revolutions, the International Eurasian movement, headed by Alexander Dugin, a right-wing political scientist and ideologue (whom Western journalists eventually nicknamed "Putin's Rasputin") createda youth wing, the Eurasian Youth Union (ESM).On November 4, a few hundred people gathered for the annual ultranationalist "Russian march" in Moscow.With chants like "Glory to Russia" and "Freedom for political prisoners", the demonstrators tried to march through the Lyublino neighbourhood of Moscow, before the police dispersed the crowd, arresting dozens.